TE2017
  • Introduction
  • January
    • Selection year
    • There is flattery in friendship
    • A greener grid
    • Bullet trains are reshaping China’s economy. Will even more of them help?
    • Hunting white elephants
    • Once upon a crime
    • Squeezed to life
    • Making China great again
    • Bull in a China shop
    • The giant’s client
    • The new Davos man
    • Deep blue ambition
    • Dangling forbidden pleasures
    • One country, two systems
    • Jaw, jaw
    • Own shoal
    • Ending the shame
    • Rooster boosters
    • Rules of engagement
    • Apocalypse now
  • February
    • Call the mayor!
    • Trembling tycoons
    • Waiting to make their move
    • China’s transgender Oprah
    • Blame the critics
    • Getting safer?
    • China’s beleaguered liberals: The two faces of Mr Xi
    • Taiwanese politics: A convenient untruth
    • Intellectual debate: An illiberal dose
    • The stockmarket: Hunting crocodiles
    • Trump toilets: Improperly squatting
    • Asian trade: Bouncing back
    • Inequality in China: The Great Divide of China
    • Shock and ore
    • Journeys to the west
    • The age of the appacus
  • March
    • Lam dunk
    • Choking with fury
    • The constrained dictator
    • Geopolitics: One China, many meanings
    • The one-China policy: The great brawl of China
    • The national legislature: Caretaker of the chrysalis
    • Politics: Any colour, so long as it’s red
    • Dodging censorship: Xi, the traitor
    • Rise of the micro-multinational: Chinese and overseas
    • Nationalism unleashed
    • Code red
    • New rules, new dodges
    • A better pill from China
    • China first
    • Here’s looking at you
    • Clamshell phoneys
    • Buying love
    • Closer to centre-stage
  • April
    • China and America: Tortoise v hare
    • Banyan: Lovin’ Hong Kong
    • Luxury-goods companies are belatedly trying to go digital
    • Averting a Chinese-American trade war
    • Faith and tradition in China: Pilgrims through this barren land
    • An Australia that can say no
    • The loyal family
    • Building a megacity from scratch
    • Jewel in the crown
    • Asia makes, China takes
    • Come closer
    • Macau writ large
    • Robots in the rustbelt
    • Welcome to Silicon Delta
    • The dragon head’s dilemma
    • A China that works
    • Rural education in China: Separate and unequal
    • Education in the countryside: A class apart
    • Education in Hong Kong: Testing times
    • China’s HNA Group goes on a global shopping spree
    • China’s banks: A sunny spell
    • Climate change: No cooling
    • Bicycle sharing: The return of pedal power
    • America and China: Disorder under heaven
    • Pax Americana: An archipelago of empire
    • America in the Pacific: The American lake
    • Pax Sinica: The travails of a regional hegemon
    • Asian neighbours: When elephants fight
    • The risk of conflict: Avoiding the trap
    • China’s internet giants: Three kingdoms, two empires
    • THAAD vibes
    • Stumbling along the last mile
    • Fox and hounds
  • May
    • The new silk route : All aboard the belt-and-road express
    • The new silk route : One belt, one roadblock
    • Chinese investors: The Buffetts of China
    • Shod, but still shoddy
    • A sorry tale
    • In the name of GDP
    • Superannuated
    • The glitter of bronze
    • Hollowed-out hutong
    • Gliding towards the congress
    • App wars
    • Shoals apart
    • A hand up for Xi’s people
    • Spy kids
    • Pink and imperilled
  • June
    • Herding mentality
    • Gay across the straits
    • Going its own way
    • Soil pollution in China: Buried poison
    • Pollution in China: The bad earth
    • Chinese politics: Xi’s nerve centre
    • Media: All that’s fit to print
    • Banyan: Still shy of the world stage
    • Chinese companies’ weak record on foreign deals
    • China’s crushing of independent lawyers is a blow to rule of law
    • China persuades Panama to break diplomatic ties with Taiwan
    • Australia and China: Meddle kingdom
    • Lawyers: Rights and wrongs
    • History: A not-so-golden age
    • Anbang: Out with an Anbang
    • Trade policy: Testing Trump’s metal
    • One country in Asia has embraced same-sex marriage. Where’s next?
    • Politics in Hong Kong: Still on borrowed time
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  • America in the Pacific: The American lake
  • How Manifest Destiny pushed west into the sea

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  1. April

America in the Pacific: The American lake

America in the Pacific: The American lake

How Manifest Destiny pushed west into the sea

Apr 20th 2017

FOR MOST OF its history, America has been isolationist. Those who now worry about it turning away from its ideals of free trade and an internationalist outlook may forget how recent they are, born out of cold-war necessity. By contrast, America’s much older sense of its own exceptionalism was nurtured by turning consciously west, away from European monarchy, class and conflict. It was a “westering” people to whom the novus ordo seclorum imprinted on every dollar bill applied. They first crossed the vast North American continent, and when they ran out of land, Manifest Destiny took to the sea, unrolling an expanding American frontier across the Pacific.

The discovery of gold in California in 1848 changed everything. Not only was the gold rush the first of California’s many booms; it shifted global perspectives, spurring Karl Marx to start work on “Das Kapital” and rekindling hopes of long-distance commerce across the Pacific. American traders set off by sea, accompanied by missionaries, guano miners, planters and expeditionary forces. By the end of the 19th century the theories of Alfred Thayer Mahan, a great naval strategist who argued for decisive American sea power, had taken hold. Colonies, protectorates and incorporated territories soon followed.

Hawaii, with its superb port, Pearl Harbour, was the first Pacific territory to come under American sway; the kingdom was eventually annexed in 1898. That same year American forces seized the Philippines as part of a jingoistic war with Spain that had begun in Havana. After an easy victory over the Spanish in Manila, the Americans found themselves fighting a counter-insurgency against Filipinos seeking their own republic. The president of the day, William McKinley, was at a loss to know what to do with the new Philippine territories. But while praying for guidance one sleepless night, it came to him that America’s mission was to “uplift and civilise and Christianise”.

McKinley had stumbled into empire with “no more backbone than a chocolate éclair”, as Theodore Roosevelt, a fan of muscular imperialism, put it. The muscular school soon took charge. “Benevolent assimilation” would supposedly raise Filipinos to a higher plane. The generals in the Philippine campaign had nearly all earned their spurs fighting native Americans. In the tropics they applied the same genocidal techniques of terror, atrocities and native reservations. In three years of fighting, between 200,000 and 700,000 men, women and children died as a consequence of American brutality.

After early victories, the campaign turned into quicksand (with haunting echoes in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq). In the southern Philippines, American troops were fighting Muslim insurgents long after the rest of the archipelago had been pacified—and American special forces are still in Mindanao today.

The American violence, and decades of condescending racism that followed, go some way towards explaining a vein of anti-Americanism that resurfaces from time to time in a country that also admires America. The two emotions live in the same Philippine breast, says Malcolm Cook of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. The ill-feeling was evident in the early 1990s, when the senate voted to eject American forces from Philippine bases; and, more recently, in President Rodrigo Duterte’s sudden pivot to China last year, and in his labelling of President Barack Obama as a “son of a bitch”.

Most Americans are blithely unaware of the back story, viewing Mr Duterte’s behaviour as astonishing ingratitude towards an ally that, until Philippine independence in 1946, had tried to pour its protégé’s society into an American mould, and that had remained a close friend since. But near-ignorance about the essentially imperialising mission that brought America to the region in the first place hardly helps an understanding of its position in Asia today. One lesson is that the case for a continued American presence in Asia has to be constantly remade.

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