TE2017
  • Introduction
  • January
    • Selection year
    • There is flattery in friendship
    • A greener grid
    • Bullet trains are reshaping China’s economy. Will even more of them help?
    • Hunting white elephants
    • Once upon a crime
    • Squeezed to life
    • Making China great again
    • Bull in a China shop
    • The giant’s client
    • The new Davos man
    • Deep blue ambition
    • Dangling forbidden pleasures
    • One country, two systems
    • Jaw, jaw
    • Own shoal
    • Ending the shame
    • Rooster boosters
    • Rules of engagement
    • Apocalypse now
  • February
    • Call the mayor!
    • Trembling tycoons
    • Waiting to make their move
    • China’s transgender Oprah
    • Blame the critics
    • Getting safer?
    • China’s beleaguered liberals: The two faces of Mr Xi
    • Taiwanese politics: A convenient untruth
    • Intellectual debate: An illiberal dose
    • The stockmarket: Hunting crocodiles
    • Trump toilets: Improperly squatting
    • Asian trade: Bouncing back
    • Inequality in China: The Great Divide of China
    • Shock and ore
    • Journeys to the west
    • The age of the appacus
  • March
    • Lam dunk
    • Choking with fury
    • The constrained dictator
    • Geopolitics: One China, many meanings
    • The one-China policy: The great brawl of China
    • The national legislature: Caretaker of the chrysalis
    • Politics: Any colour, so long as it’s red
    • Dodging censorship: Xi, the traitor
    • Rise of the micro-multinational: Chinese and overseas
    • Nationalism unleashed
    • Code red
    • New rules, new dodges
    • A better pill from China
    • China first
    • Here’s looking at you
    • Clamshell phoneys
    • Buying love
    • Closer to centre-stage
  • April
    • China and America: Tortoise v hare
    • Banyan: Lovin’ Hong Kong
    • Luxury-goods companies are belatedly trying to go digital
    • Averting a Chinese-American trade war
    • Faith and tradition in China: Pilgrims through this barren land
    • An Australia that can say no
    • The loyal family
    • Building a megacity from scratch
    • Jewel in the crown
    • Asia makes, China takes
    • Come closer
    • Macau writ large
    • Robots in the rustbelt
    • Welcome to Silicon Delta
    • The dragon head’s dilemma
    • A China that works
    • Rural education in China: Separate and unequal
    • Education in the countryside: A class apart
    • Education in Hong Kong: Testing times
    • China’s HNA Group goes on a global shopping spree
    • China’s banks: A sunny spell
    • Climate change: No cooling
    • Bicycle sharing: The return of pedal power
    • America and China: Disorder under heaven
    • Pax Americana: An archipelago of empire
    • America in the Pacific: The American lake
    • Pax Sinica: The travails of a regional hegemon
    • Asian neighbours: When elephants fight
    • The risk of conflict: Avoiding the trap
    • China’s internet giants: Three kingdoms, two empires
    • THAAD vibes
    • Stumbling along the last mile
    • Fox and hounds
  • May
    • The new silk route : All aboard the belt-and-road express
    • The new silk route : One belt, one roadblock
    • Chinese investors: The Buffetts of China
    • Shod, but still shoddy
    • A sorry tale
    • In the name of GDP
    • Superannuated
    • The glitter of bronze
    • Hollowed-out hutong
    • Gliding towards the congress
    • App wars
    • Shoals apart
    • A hand up for Xi’s people
    • Spy kids
    • Pink and imperilled
  • June
    • Herding mentality
    • Gay across the straits
    • Going its own way
    • Soil pollution in China: Buried poison
    • Pollution in China: The bad earth
    • Chinese politics: Xi’s nerve centre
    • Media: All that’s fit to print
    • Banyan: Still shy of the world stage
    • Chinese companies’ weak record on foreign deals
    • China’s crushing of independent lawyers is a blow to rule of law
    • China persuades Panama to break diplomatic ties with Taiwan
    • Australia and China: Meddle kingdom
    • Lawyers: Rights and wrongs
    • History: A not-so-golden age
    • Anbang: Out with an Anbang
    • Trade policy: Testing Trump’s metal
    • One country in Asia has embraced same-sex marriage. Where’s next?
    • Politics in Hong Kong: Still on borrowed time
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  • A Buddhist tycoon
  • Its investments range from Hilton Worldwide to Deutsche Bank

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  1. April

China’s HNA Group goes on a global shopping spree

PreviousEducation in Hong Kong: Testing timesNextChina’s banks: A sunny spell

Last updated 6 years ago

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A Buddhist tycoon

Its investments range from Hilton Worldwide to Deutsche Bank

Apr 12th 2017 | SHANGHAI

NOW it is a conglomerate with more than $100bn-worth of assets around the world. But HNA Group started life as a small local airline. Chen Feng, the Chinese company’s founder, led a coalition including private investors and the government of Hainan, a southern province, to launch Hainan Airlines in 1993.

Despite some help from the local government, the upstart firm was an outsider then. The central government chose three big state-run airlines to receive favoured landing slots, lavish subsidies and other advantages. The scrappy Mr Chen was undeterred. With $25m in early funding from George Soros, an American billionaire, he carved out a profitable niche. Since then, HNA has grown quickly, mainly through acquisitions. It reported revenues of 600bn yuan ($90bn) last year. In 2016 it acquired a 25% stake in America’s Hilton Worldwide for $6.5bn and paid $10bn for the aircraft-leasing division of CIT Group, a New York-based financial firm.

This week it bid nearly $1bn for Singapore’s CWT, a logistics company.Most deals have been in industries adjacent to its core business, such as travel, tourism and logistics. But some recent purchases have raised eyebrows for being more distant. It spent $6bn last year on Ingram Micro, an information-technology outfit based in California. Money has also gone into Deutsche Bank. It is rumoured to be bidding for Forbes, an American magazine. Some people suspect that these deals chime with China’s industrial policy more than HNA’s own corporate logic.

Yet HNA is not a classic state-owned enterprise. The Hainan government retains a big stake in it, but HNA has traits that distinguish it from state-owned enterprises, which tend to be sclerotic and run by bureaucratic grey men.

It has adopted professional management practices. Mr Chen has trained his employees in Six Sigma, a management method popularised by Jack Welch, a former boss of General Electric, to eliminate waste; and in a financial methodology that scrutinises investments for economic value added. Hainan Airlines is considered the best Chinese airline. Mr Chen, a Buddhist scholar, has also imprinted traditional Chinese philosophies onto the company’s culture. When it takes over a firm he leads new executives in a recitation of HNA’s core values, which include “love and devotion”. HNA typically does not fire the top brass at firms it acquires, nor does it force big lay-offs.

Mr Chen certainly seems skilful at managing the Chinese authorities. HNA is presenting this week’s bid for CWT as part of President Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” geopolitical strategy, for example. It is clever to play the political card given that the state is tightening control of outbound investment, which could hamper the company’s style, notes a Chinese business expert. A clampdown on foreign deals by Chinese regulators, who are worried about capital outflows, has led to the cancellation of dozens of announced acquisitions by Chinese firms.

But HNA is having no trouble getting the money and approval to do lots of big deals—it has spent over $40bn on acquisitions in the past three years. Indeed, Mr Chen appears to have the advantages of a state firm, including cheap access to capital, without the disadvantages, such as officials telling him how to run his company, says a seasoned China hand. In this, he reckons, HNA is becoming “a lot like Huawei”, a telecoms-equipment firm. Mr Chen should be flattered by the comparison to one of the country’s most successful multinationals. But he should also recall that a backlash against Huawei’s perceived closeness to China’s leadership led to its blacklisting by America’s government.