TE2017
  • Introduction
  • January
    • Selection year
    • There is flattery in friendship
    • A greener grid
    • Bullet trains are reshaping China’s economy. Will even more of them help?
    • Hunting white elephants
    • Once upon a crime
    • Squeezed to life
    • Making China great again
    • Bull in a China shop
    • The giant’s client
    • The new Davos man
    • Deep blue ambition
    • Dangling forbidden pleasures
    • One country, two systems
    • Jaw, jaw
    • Own shoal
    • Ending the shame
    • Rooster boosters
    • Rules of engagement
    • Apocalypse now
  • February
    • Call the mayor!
    • Trembling tycoons
    • Waiting to make their move
    • China’s transgender Oprah
    • Blame the critics
    • Getting safer?
    • China’s beleaguered liberals: The two faces of Mr Xi
    • Taiwanese politics: A convenient untruth
    • Intellectual debate: An illiberal dose
    • The stockmarket: Hunting crocodiles
    • Trump toilets: Improperly squatting
    • Asian trade: Bouncing back
    • Inequality in China: The Great Divide of China
    • Shock and ore
    • Journeys to the west
    • The age of the appacus
  • March
    • Lam dunk
    • Choking with fury
    • The constrained dictator
    • Geopolitics: One China, many meanings
    • The one-China policy: The great brawl of China
    • The national legislature: Caretaker of the chrysalis
    • Politics: Any colour, so long as it’s red
    • Dodging censorship: Xi, the traitor
    • Rise of the micro-multinational: Chinese and overseas
    • Nationalism unleashed
    • Code red
    • New rules, new dodges
    • A better pill from China
    • China first
    • Here’s looking at you
    • Clamshell phoneys
    • Buying love
    • Closer to centre-stage
  • April
    • China and America: Tortoise v hare
    • Banyan: Lovin’ Hong Kong
    • Luxury-goods companies are belatedly trying to go digital
    • Averting a Chinese-American trade war
    • Faith and tradition in China: Pilgrims through this barren land
    • An Australia that can say no
    • The loyal family
    • Building a megacity from scratch
    • Jewel in the crown
    • Asia makes, China takes
    • Come closer
    • Macau writ large
    • Robots in the rustbelt
    • Welcome to Silicon Delta
    • The dragon head’s dilemma
    • A China that works
    • Rural education in China: Separate and unequal
    • Education in the countryside: A class apart
    • Education in Hong Kong: Testing times
    • China’s HNA Group goes on a global shopping spree
    • China’s banks: A sunny spell
    • Climate change: No cooling
    • Bicycle sharing: The return of pedal power
    • America and China: Disorder under heaven
    • Pax Americana: An archipelago of empire
    • America in the Pacific: The American lake
    • Pax Sinica: The travails of a regional hegemon
    • Asian neighbours: When elephants fight
    • The risk of conflict: Avoiding the trap
    • China’s internet giants: Three kingdoms, two empires
    • THAAD vibes
    • Stumbling along the last mile
    • Fox and hounds
  • May
    • The new silk route : All aboard the belt-and-road express
    • The new silk route : One belt, one roadblock
    • Chinese investors: The Buffetts of China
    • Shod, but still shoddy
    • A sorry tale
    • In the name of GDP
    • Superannuated
    • The glitter of bronze
    • Hollowed-out hutong
    • Gliding towards the congress
    • App wars
    • Shoals apart
    • A hand up for Xi’s people
    • Spy kids
    • Pink and imperilled
  • June
    • Herding mentality
    • Gay across the straits
    • Going its own way
    • Soil pollution in China: Buried poison
    • Pollution in China: The bad earth
    • Chinese politics: Xi’s nerve centre
    • Media: All that’s fit to print
    • Banyan: Still shy of the world stage
    • Chinese companies’ weak record on foreign deals
    • China’s crushing of independent lawyers is a blow to rule of law
    • China persuades Panama to break diplomatic ties with Taiwan
    • Australia and China: Meddle kingdom
    • Lawyers: Rights and wrongs
    • History: A not-so-golden age
    • Anbang: Out with an Anbang
    • Trade policy: Testing Trump’s metal
    • One country in Asia has embraced same-sex marriage. Where’s next?
    • Politics in Hong Kong: Still on borrowed time
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  • China’s one-party system has a surprising number of parties
  • Has one of them broken ranks?

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  1. March

Politics: Any colour, so long as it’s red

PreviousThe national legislature: Caretaker of the chrysalisNextDodging censorship: Xi, the traitor

Last updated 6 years ago

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China’s one-party system has a surprising number of parties

Has one of them broken ranks?

Mar 9th 2017 | BEIJING

HOW many parties does it take to run a one-party state? Although the Communist Party is in sole charge, China also has eight other legally registered ones. It calls this a system of “multiparty co-operation”, which involves “sharing weal or woe”. The role of the non-Communist groups is to add a veneer of democracy. Ordinary people dismiss them as “flower vases”—pure decoration.

On March 1st Luo Fuhe, a senior leader of one such misleadingly named party, the Chinese Association for Promoting Democracy, challenged that description. He told reporters that his party had a proposal to make. Amid a sweeping crackdown on dissent, it was a remarkable one. Mr Luo said China’s “strict” controls on the internet should be relaxed to avoid hampering the country’s scientific and economic development. Rarely has a prominent member of the establishment taken such aim at China’s “great firewall”, which blocks access to many foreign websites (including this newspaper’s). Even more strikingly, some official newspapers reported his views. The delight of China’s long-suffering netizens was palpable.

Like the other “democratic” parties, as the non-Communist ones are officially described, Mr Luo’s was founded before 1949 when the Communists seized power. One of them is called the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang, a pro-Communist spin-off of the party that ruled China before Mao Zedong took over and which then fled to Taiwan. At first, Mao kept these groups alive as a way to win over people who were not hard-core Communists yet who sympathised with Mao’s goals. But he lost patience with them during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s. Many of their members were jailed. Deng Xiaoping revived the parties in the 1980s to show that China was becoming more tolerant again.

As Mr Luo is doubtless aware, that tolerance is extremely limited. A Communist Party website says the eight parties are “neither parties out of office nor opposition parties”, and all of them support the Communists. They are funded by the Communist Party and do not contest any elections. New members must be recommended by existing ones and there is no open recruitment. In some cases they also belong to the Communist Party. They often speak with even greater caution than Communists, says a member of the Peasants and Workers Democratic Party, because they know their groups exist only with the Communist Party’s assent.

It was not until 2007 that people from non-Communist parties were chosen to serve as ministers—one was put in charge of health, another science and technology. Loyal to the Communists though the non-Communists are, they are only trusted with jobs that do not have a direct bearing on the Communists’ grip on power.

Mr Luo is one of many people from the eight parties who are rewarded for their subservience with memberships of advisory bodies (just as much flower vases as the parties themselves, many Chinese grumble). He is a vice-chairman of the most prestigious of these, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), which is holding its annual meeting to make polite suggestions to the rubber-stamp parliament (see article). On March 5th he attended a meeting of around 45 fellow party members who are delegates to the CPPCC. They sat around a square table declaring “great satisfaction” with the Communist Party’s achievements—albeit without obvious enthusiasm. Many of them tapped away on their phones; one read a newspaper.

Mr Luo drank tea and remained silent. He had reason to be subdued. Censors had begun their work online, deleting much of the discussion of his party’s proposal.